WEKO3
アイテム
{"_buckets": {"deposit": "2c15f75d-e494-4f07-92eb-83cdb13cd35c"}, "_deposit": {"created_by": 3, "id": "6252", "owners": [3], "pid": {"revision_id": 0, "type": "depid", "value": "6252"}, "status": "published"}, "_oai": {"id": "oai:tobunken.repo.nii.ac.jp:00006252", "sets": ["1002"]}, "author_link": ["26436", "26437"], "item_10001_biblio_info_7": {"attribute_name": "書誌情報", "attribute_value_mlt": [{"bibliographicIssueDates": {"bibliographicIssueDate": "2000-03-30", "bibliographicIssueDateType": "Issued"}, "bibliographicIssueNumber": "373", "bibliographicPageEnd": "48", "bibliographicPageStart": "1", "bibliographic_titles": [{"bibliographic_title": "美術研究"}, {"bibliographic_title": "The bijutsu kenkyu : the journal of art studies", "bibliographic_titleLang": "en"}]}]}, "item_10001_description_5": {"attribute_name": "抄録", "attribute_value_mlt": [{"subitem_description": " As is widely known, the Kondô of Hôryûji in Nara has been discussed from a variety of thematic approaches. Debate continues today on the subject of the wall paintings on the Kondô interior. However, if we focus on the Number Six wall (Pl. IV) we can find a 12th century reference to the “Amida jôdô zu” 阿彌陀淨土圖 (pictures of Amitābha\u0027s paradise) and thus conclude that from an early date there was a firm belief that the central image in this panel is Amitābha. The standard interpretation of this panel states that the central figure is Amitābha accompanied by the two Bodhisattvas, Avalokitesvara and Mahāsthāmaprāpta.\n We might then ask, what is the basis for the identification of these three figures as Amitabha, Avalokiteśvara, and Mahāsthāmaprāpta?\n The central deity is shown with the bothshoulder style of kasāya garment, with hands joined at chest-height, the back of the left hand facing the viewer with the thumb and middle finger touching to form a circle. The palm of the right hand faces the viewer with the thumb and index finger touching to form a circle. This is the so-called dharmacakra mudra, or teaching hand gesture. The figure\u0027s legs are folded into the full lotus position, the nyaşi-dat-paryankam ābhujya. The Bodhisattva on the Buddha\u0027s right, i.e. the left side of the painting, holds a lotus flower in a lowered right hand, while the left hand is raised to chest height. He stands on a lotus pedestal. The Bodhisattva on the Buddha\u0027s left, i.e. the right side of the painting, holds the end of a yôraku 瓔珞 jeweled garland in the right hand, which is at chest height. The left hand is lowered and holds the other end of the yôraku and a lotus flower. This figure also stands on a lotus pedestal. In its crown a small Buddha image can be seen, though there is no mark on the crown of the other Bodhisattva.\n\n The representation of a small Buddha in the crown, as seen here, is one of the attributes of Avalokitesvara described in the Guanwuliang shoujing 觀無量壽經 sutra. The same sutra describes Mahasthamaprapta as having a crown decorated with a water vase, though the other Bodhisattva in this wall painting does not show that iconography. On the other hand, it is not clear what source was used as the basis for the identification of the central Buddha image as Amitābha with both-shoulder style kaşāya and dharma-cakra mudra.\n Some reasons for this identification as Amitābha could include the fact that the Number Six wall painting under discussion here is on the west wall, the wall associated with Amitābha, among the paradise scenes painted on four large walls of the Hôryûji Kondô. Seventeen small figures of Bodhisattvas, including one reborn child are shown on lotus flowers which rise from a single stem emerging from the lotus pond beneath the three deities. There is a small Buddha image in the crown of the Avalokitesvara Bodhisattva. These various elements in combination indicate that the Number Six wall painting depicts Amitabha\u0027s paradise.\n Also in this regard, Paul Pelliot provided an overall introduction to the wall paintings in the Mugaoku caves of Dunhuang, China, and indicated the presence of a painting (Pl. III) on the east wall of cave 332 (present-day numbering system) at Dunhuang which resembles the Hôryûji image. Naito Toichiro commented on this resemblance and suggested that the source for this imagery lies in the description of “Amitābha and 50 Bodhisattvas” recorded in Daoxuan (596-667) \u0027s Jishenzhousanbaogantonglu 道宣、集神州三寶感通錄. The majority of later scholars based their work on Naito\u0027s interpretation, and generally agreed that the central deity on the Number Six wall painting of Hôryûji with its two-shoulder kasaya and dharma-cakra mudra is an image of Amitābha.\n This author also concurs with the Amitābha. Avalokiteśvara and Mahāsthāmaprāpta identification. But, while agreeing with that identification, the following areas of the painting present questions for further discussion.\n\n1) Is the dharma-cakra mudra an attribute of Amitābha? \n2) Why isn\u0027t the water vase shown in the crown of the left Bodhisattva? \n3) In Dunhuang Mogaoku cave 332, the central deity is backed by a double circular halo, with separate halos for body and head. The central deity in Number Six wall painting at Hôryûji is similarly backed by a double circular halo, but it is also backed by a square. What is the reason for this double treatment? \n4) While we can indicate the resemblance between the Hôryûji painting and the iconography in Dunhuang Mogaoku cave 332, based on the Amitābha and 50 Bodhisattvas text, the Dunhuang image has 50 small Bodhisattva images on lotus blossoms emerging from a single stem in the background lotus pond. In the Number Six Hôryûji painting, there are only 17 Bodhisattvas in the lotus pond setting, while another eight Bodhisattvas are seated on lotus pedestals which float in the air behind the central figures. Thus, the space behind the central triad is divided into an upper and lower space. What is the difference between these two handlings of the background? While we can say that there is a relationship between the iconography discussed in the Amitābha and the 50 Bodhisattvas text and the Hôryûji Number Six painting, can we really ignore this disparity between the number of Bodhisattvas shown? \n5) The central deity in the Dunhuang Mogaoku cave 332 is shown in full lotus position with his right foot shown on top, while the central figure in the Hôryûji Number Six painting is shown in full lotus position with the left foot on top. What is the reason for this difference?\n\n These particular characteristics of the Number Six painting have not been overlooked by earlier scholars, and indeed, have been noted in detail. Nevertheless, we must also search for similar depictions in China and confirm this expression type. The problem is that the figures which can be found in China as evidence of this iconographic link are not all necessarily Amitābha iconography. First, without differentiating whether the morphological source for the motifs seen in the Hôryûji wall painting lies in Śākyamuni or Amitābha, we must confirm whether or not these motifs actually exist in China. This methodology may allow us an understanding of the meaning and formation of the composition on wall six at Hôryûji.\n An important example for use in the reconsideration of this problem has been introduced recently. This is an intaglio inscription on the story of Amitābha and the 52 Bodhisattvas dated 634 (Zhenguan 8) at Wolongshan Qianfoyan 臥龍山千佛岩, Zidong 梓潼, in Sichuan. This text accompanies a carved stone image of an Amitābha triad with a central image with both-shoulder kaṣāya drapery, seated with hands in dharma-cakra mudra accompanied by fifty Bodhisattvas. However, at present, this is simply valued as the earliest dated example from the early Tang which resembles the Number Six painting. A comparison of the two reveals major disparities, and when we use the Wolongshan Qianfoyan image as a stepping stone to other examples, we find that the characteristics seen in painting Number Six as described above can be confirmed as particularly individualistic.\n In this essay, the Wolongshan Qianfoyan is used as one comparative tool, while examples from the Sui and early Tang dynasties, and from the Korean peninsula are also examined. These examples are used not only in regard to the question of the Number Six painting, they are also used to examine the state of the formation and development of Amitābha iconography in the early Tang dynasty and regional dissemination from the single nucleus of China.\n First, we must begin with a description of the formation and style of the Amitābha triad with fifty Bodhisattvas found at Wolongshan Qianfoyan. A reading of the inscription, dated 634, reveals that the iconography is strongly related to a western directional sense. Large numbers of examples of this iconography were created in Sichuan province from the early through mid-Tang dynasty. We can also confirm the presence of several variations on this iconographic theme. Through these works we can see the basic imagery used in these Buddha images with both-shoulder kasāya drapery and the dharma-cakra mudra.\n Next, examples of clay images excavated in the Xi\u0027an region allow us to suggest that this iconography had already been in use in the Chang\u0027an region during the Sui dynasty.\n The question is, were these Buddhas, shown with both-shoulder drapery and their hands arranged in the dharma-cakra mudra, worshipped as Amitābha from the beginning? In other words, the Buddha images in China with the dharma-cakra mudra may have been originally created as images of Śākyamuni or of Maitreya. Chinese use of the iconography was a traditional form inherited from rules developed in India. These drapery and mudra attributes were used on Amitābha images from the Sui through the early Tang dynasty, while this iconography also expanded greatly into the western imagery of Amitābha, we can see how the mudra was used along with the new both-shoulder drapery style.\n Through these various transformations, the iconography of a Buddha with both-shoulder drapery and dharma-cakra mudra developed and finally was transmitted to Japan. But the image which was carried to Japan was not necessarily completely the same as the examples seen in Sichuan province or in the Dunhuang Mogaoku caves. The reasons for these changes can be understood from an examination of Chinese examples of the subject from the early Tang dynasty. For example, the Longmen Grottoes of Henan have only one example of an early Tang dynasty image of a Buddha with dharma-cakra mudra accompanied by 50 Bodhisattvas. This iconography was quickly changed and then disappeared from this site. This can be seen as a detailed example of how a single iconography can be brought into a single region and transformed in its new setting.\n The Buddhist iconography that was brought to Japan was not simply a case of the original Chinese iconography being brought into the country and then slightly changed, though, indeed, there were many examples of this kind of transmission. Within China, Buddhist iconography was formulated, transmitted, changed, and developed. This led to a great range of content depending on the individual region where the forms were transformed. Then comes the question of which of those transformation were brought to Japan.\n As can be confirmed by the above thoughts, this is not an attempt to give special status to the Number Six wall painting. It is also not a listing of the source of the iconography. It is simply a reflection on the formation of the individual iconography of the single deity known as Amitābha, and a discussion of how individual forms of the deity were created in different regions.", "subitem_description_type": "Abstract"}]}, "item_creator": {"attribute_name": "著者", "attribute_type": "creator", "attribute_value_mlt": [{"creatorNames": [{"creatorName": "岡田, 健"}], "nameIdentifiers": [{"nameIdentifier": "26436", "nameIdentifierScheme": "WEKO"}]}, {"creatorNames": [{"creatorName": "Okada, Ken", "creatorNameLang": "en"}], "nameIdentifiers": [{"nameIdentifier": "26437", "nameIdentifierScheme": "WEKO"}]}]}, "item_files": {"attribute_name": "ファイル情報", "attribute_type": "file", "attribute_value_mlt": [{"accessrole": "open_date", "date": [{"dateType": "Available", "dateValue": "2017-10-05"}], "displaytype": "detail", "download_preview_message": "", "file_order": 0, "filename": "373_1_Okada_Redacted.pdf", "filesize": [{"value": "65.7 MB"}], "format": "application/pdf", "future_date_message": "", "is_thumbnail": false, "licensetype": "license_11", "mimetype": "application/pdf", "size": 65700000.0, "url": {"label": "373_1_Okada_Redacted.pdf", "url": "https://tobunken.repo.nii.ac.jp/record/6252/files/373_1_Okada_Redacted.pdf"}, "version_id": "efc4f81e-d954-43a5-b99f-b4b54ed2f0cb"}]}, "item_keyword": {"attribute_name": "キーワード", "attribute_value_mlt": [{"subitem_subject": "龍門石窟敬善寺区無年記洞中尊・左右脇侍菩薩像(中国 河南省洛陽所在)・莫高窟第三三二窟東壁南側壁画(中国 甘粛省敦煌所在)・金堂外陣第六号壁画(奈良 法隆寺蔵)・塼仏(三重県名張市夏見廃寺址出土・京都大学文学部博物館蔵)・塼仏(三重県名張市夏見廃寺址出土・米国 フリアギャラリー蔵)四川省臥龍山千仏岩阿弥陀五十二菩薩像・道宣『集神州三宝感通録』・道世『法苑珠林』・敦煌莫高窟第二二〇窟南壁阿弥陀浄土図", "subitem_subject_scheme": "Other"}, {"subitem_subject": "Seated Buddha, Main Wall, a Small Cave of Qingshansi Area, The Longmen Caves, China / Standing Bodhisattvas on the Buddha’s Right and Left, Main Wall, a Small Cave of Qingshansi area, The Longmen Caves, China / The South Side Painting on the East Wall of Cave 332, Mogaoku Caves, Dunhuang, China / The No. 6 Wall Painting, The Kondo Interior, Horyuji, Nara / The Clay Image, Excavated in the Natsumi Temple Site of Nabari, Mie, The Kyoto Natonal Museum / The Clay Image, The Freer Gallery of Art, Smithonian Institution", "subitem_subject_language": "en", "subitem_subject_scheme": "Other"}]}, "item_language": {"attribute_name": "言語", "attribute_value_mlt": [{"subitem_language": "jpn"}]}, "item_resource_type": {"attribute_name": "資源タイプ", "attribute_value_mlt": [{"resourcetype": "journal article", "resourceuri": "http://purl.org/coar/resource_type/c_6501"}]}, "item_title": "初唐期の転法輪印阿弥陀図像についての研究", "item_titles": {"attribute_name": "タイトル", "attribute_value_mlt": [{"subitem_title": "初唐期の転法輪印阿弥陀図像についての研究"}, {"subitem_title": "Research on Dharma-cakra Mudra Amitabha Images in the Early Tang Dynasty", "subitem_title_language": "en"}]}, "item_type_id": "10001", "owner": "3", "path": ["1002"], "permalink_uri": "https://tobunken.repo.nii.ac.jp/records/6252", "pubdate": {"attribute_name": "公開日", "attribute_value": "2017-10-05"}, "publish_date": "2017-10-05", "publish_status": "0", "recid": "6252", "relation": {}, "relation_version_is_last": true, "title": ["初唐期の転法輪印阿弥陀図像についての研究"], "weko_shared_id": 3}
初唐期の転法輪印阿弥陀図像についての研究
https://tobunken.repo.nii.ac.jp/records/6252
https://tobunken.repo.nii.ac.jp/records/62524e817f63-3d5e-4110-b73e-33521539500e
名前 / ファイル | ライセンス | アクション |
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373_1_Okada_Redacted.pdf (65.7 MB)
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Item type | 学術雑誌論文 / Journal Article(1) | |||||
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公開日 | 2017-10-05 | |||||
タイトル | ||||||
タイトル | 初唐期の転法輪印阿弥陀図像についての研究 | |||||
タイトル | ||||||
言語 | en | |||||
タイトル | Research on Dharma-cakra Mudra Amitabha Images in the Early Tang Dynasty | |||||
言語 | ||||||
言語 | jpn | |||||
キーワード | ||||||
主題Scheme | Other | |||||
主題 | 龍門石窟敬善寺区無年記洞中尊・左右脇侍菩薩像(中国 河南省洛陽所在)・莫高窟第三三二窟東壁南側壁画(中国 甘粛省敦煌所在)・金堂外陣第六号壁画(奈良 法隆寺蔵)・塼仏(三重県名張市夏見廃寺址出土・京都大学文学部博物館蔵)・塼仏(三重県名張市夏見廃寺址出土・米国 フリアギャラリー蔵)四川省臥龍山千仏岩阿弥陀五十二菩薩像・道宣『集神州三宝感通録』・道世『法苑珠林』・敦煌莫高窟第二二〇窟南壁阿弥陀浄土図 | |||||
キーワード | ||||||
言語 | en | |||||
主題Scheme | Other | |||||
主題 | Seated Buddha, Main Wall, a Small Cave of Qingshansi Area, The Longmen Caves, China / Standing Bodhisattvas on the Buddha’s Right and Left, Main Wall, a Small Cave of Qingshansi area, The Longmen Caves, China / The South Side Painting on the East Wall of Cave 332, Mogaoku Caves, Dunhuang, China / The No. 6 Wall Painting, The Kondo Interior, Horyuji, Nara / The Clay Image, Excavated in the Natsumi Temple Site of Nabari, Mie, The Kyoto Natonal Museum / The Clay Image, The Freer Gallery of Art, Smithonian Institution | |||||
資源タイプ | ||||||
資源タイプ識別子 | http://purl.org/coar/resource_type/c_6501 | |||||
資源タイプ | journal article | |||||
著者 |
岡田, 健
× 岡田, 健× Okada, Ken |
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抄録 | ||||||
内容記述タイプ | Abstract | |||||
内容記述 | As is widely known, the Kondô of Hôryûji in Nara has been discussed from a variety of thematic approaches. Debate continues today on the subject of the wall paintings on the Kondô interior. However, if we focus on the Number Six wall (Pl. IV) we can find a 12th century reference to the “Amida jôdô zu” 阿彌陀淨土圖 (pictures of Amitābha's paradise) and thus conclude that from an early date there was a firm belief that the central image in this panel is Amitābha. The standard interpretation of this panel states that the central figure is Amitābha accompanied by the two Bodhisattvas, Avalokitesvara and Mahāsthāmaprāpta. We might then ask, what is the basis for the identification of these three figures as Amitabha, Avalokiteśvara, and Mahāsthāmaprāpta? The central deity is shown with the bothshoulder style of kasāya garment, with hands joined at chest-height, the back of the left hand facing the viewer with the thumb and middle finger touching to form a circle. The palm of the right hand faces the viewer with the thumb and index finger touching to form a circle. This is the so-called dharmacakra mudra, or teaching hand gesture. The figure's legs are folded into the full lotus position, the nyaşi-dat-paryankam ābhujya. The Bodhisattva on the Buddha's right, i.e. the left side of the painting, holds a lotus flower in a lowered right hand, while the left hand is raised to chest height. He stands on a lotus pedestal. The Bodhisattva on the Buddha's left, i.e. the right side of the painting, holds the end of a yôraku 瓔珞 jeweled garland in the right hand, which is at chest height. The left hand is lowered and holds the other end of the yôraku and a lotus flower. This figure also stands on a lotus pedestal. In its crown a small Buddha image can be seen, though there is no mark on the crown of the other Bodhisattva. The representation of a small Buddha in the crown, as seen here, is one of the attributes of Avalokitesvara described in the Guanwuliang shoujing 觀無量壽經 sutra. The same sutra describes Mahasthamaprapta as having a crown decorated with a water vase, though the other Bodhisattva in this wall painting does not show that iconography. On the other hand, it is not clear what source was used as the basis for the identification of the central Buddha image as Amitābha with both-shoulder style kaşāya and dharma-cakra mudra. Some reasons for this identification as Amitābha could include the fact that the Number Six wall painting under discussion here is on the west wall, the wall associated with Amitābha, among the paradise scenes painted on four large walls of the Hôryûji Kondô. Seventeen small figures of Bodhisattvas, including one reborn child are shown on lotus flowers which rise from a single stem emerging from the lotus pond beneath the three deities. There is a small Buddha image in the crown of the Avalokitesvara Bodhisattva. These various elements in combination indicate that the Number Six wall painting depicts Amitabha's paradise. Also in this regard, Paul Pelliot provided an overall introduction to the wall paintings in the Mugaoku caves of Dunhuang, China, and indicated the presence of a painting (Pl. III) on the east wall of cave 332 (present-day numbering system) at Dunhuang which resembles the Hôryûji image. Naito Toichiro commented on this resemblance and suggested that the source for this imagery lies in the description of “Amitābha and 50 Bodhisattvas” recorded in Daoxuan (596-667) 's Jishenzhousanbaogantonglu 道宣、集神州三寶感通錄. The majority of later scholars based their work on Naito's interpretation, and generally agreed that the central deity on the Number Six wall painting of Hôryûji with its two-shoulder kasaya and dharma-cakra mudra is an image of Amitābha. This author also concurs with the Amitābha. Avalokiteśvara and Mahāsthāmaprāpta identification. But, while agreeing with that identification, the following areas of the painting present questions for further discussion. 1) Is the dharma-cakra mudra an attribute of Amitābha? 2) Why isn't the water vase shown in the crown of the left Bodhisattva? 3) In Dunhuang Mogaoku cave 332, the central deity is backed by a double circular halo, with separate halos for body and head. The central deity in Number Six wall painting at Hôryûji is similarly backed by a double circular halo, but it is also backed by a square. What is the reason for this double treatment? 4) While we can indicate the resemblance between the Hôryûji painting and the iconography in Dunhuang Mogaoku cave 332, based on the Amitābha and 50 Bodhisattvas text, the Dunhuang image has 50 small Bodhisattva images on lotus blossoms emerging from a single stem in the background lotus pond. In the Number Six Hôryûji painting, there are only 17 Bodhisattvas in the lotus pond setting, while another eight Bodhisattvas are seated on lotus pedestals which float in the air behind the central figures. Thus, the space behind the central triad is divided into an upper and lower space. What is the difference between these two handlings of the background? While we can say that there is a relationship between the iconography discussed in the Amitābha and the 50 Bodhisattvas text and the Hôryûji Number Six painting, can we really ignore this disparity between the number of Bodhisattvas shown? 5) The central deity in the Dunhuang Mogaoku cave 332 is shown in full lotus position with his right foot shown on top, while the central figure in the Hôryûji Number Six painting is shown in full lotus position with the left foot on top. What is the reason for this difference? These particular characteristics of the Number Six painting have not been overlooked by earlier scholars, and indeed, have been noted in detail. Nevertheless, we must also search for similar depictions in China and confirm this expression type. The problem is that the figures which can be found in China as evidence of this iconographic link are not all necessarily Amitābha iconography. First, without differentiating whether the morphological source for the motifs seen in the Hôryûji wall painting lies in Śākyamuni or Amitābha, we must confirm whether or not these motifs actually exist in China. This methodology may allow us an understanding of the meaning and formation of the composition on wall six at Hôryûji. An important example for use in the reconsideration of this problem has been introduced recently. This is an intaglio inscription on the story of Amitābha and the 52 Bodhisattvas dated 634 (Zhenguan 8) at Wolongshan Qianfoyan 臥龍山千佛岩, Zidong 梓潼, in Sichuan. This text accompanies a carved stone image of an Amitābha triad with a central image with both-shoulder kaṣāya drapery, seated with hands in dharma-cakra mudra accompanied by fifty Bodhisattvas. However, at present, this is simply valued as the earliest dated example from the early Tang which resembles the Number Six painting. A comparison of the two reveals major disparities, and when we use the Wolongshan Qianfoyan image as a stepping stone to other examples, we find that the characteristics seen in painting Number Six as described above can be confirmed as particularly individualistic. In this essay, the Wolongshan Qianfoyan is used as one comparative tool, while examples from the Sui and early Tang dynasties, and from the Korean peninsula are also examined. These examples are used not only in regard to the question of the Number Six painting, they are also used to examine the state of the formation and development of Amitābha iconography in the early Tang dynasty and regional dissemination from the single nucleus of China. First, we must begin with a description of the formation and style of the Amitābha triad with fifty Bodhisattvas found at Wolongshan Qianfoyan. A reading of the inscription, dated 634, reveals that the iconography is strongly related to a western directional sense. Large numbers of examples of this iconography were created in Sichuan province from the early through mid-Tang dynasty. We can also confirm the presence of several variations on this iconographic theme. Through these works we can see the basic imagery used in these Buddha images with both-shoulder kasāya drapery and the dharma-cakra mudra. Next, examples of clay images excavated in the Xi'an region allow us to suggest that this iconography had already been in use in the Chang'an region during the Sui dynasty. The question is, were these Buddhas, shown with both-shoulder drapery and their hands arranged in the dharma-cakra mudra, worshipped as Amitābha from the beginning? In other words, the Buddha images in China with the dharma-cakra mudra may have been originally created as images of Śākyamuni or of Maitreya. Chinese use of the iconography was a traditional form inherited from rules developed in India. These drapery and mudra attributes were used on Amitābha images from the Sui through the early Tang dynasty, while this iconography also expanded greatly into the western imagery of Amitābha, we can see how the mudra was used along with the new both-shoulder drapery style. Through these various transformations, the iconography of a Buddha with both-shoulder drapery and dharma-cakra mudra developed and finally was transmitted to Japan. But the image which was carried to Japan was not necessarily completely the same as the examples seen in Sichuan province or in the Dunhuang Mogaoku caves. The reasons for these changes can be understood from an examination of Chinese examples of the subject from the early Tang dynasty. For example, the Longmen Grottoes of Henan have only one example of an early Tang dynasty image of a Buddha with dharma-cakra mudra accompanied by 50 Bodhisattvas. This iconography was quickly changed and then disappeared from this site. This can be seen as a detailed example of how a single iconography can be brought into a single region and transformed in its new setting. The Buddhist iconography that was brought to Japan was not simply a case of the original Chinese iconography being brought into the country and then slightly changed, though, indeed, there were many examples of this kind of transmission. Within China, Buddhist iconography was formulated, transmitted, changed, and developed. This led to a great range of content depending on the individual region where the forms were transformed. Then comes the question of which of those transformation were brought to Japan. As can be confirmed by the above thoughts, this is not an attempt to give special status to the Number Six wall painting. It is also not a listing of the source of the iconography. It is simply a reflection on the formation of the individual iconography of the single deity known as Amitābha, and a discussion of how individual forms of the deity were created in different regions. |
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書誌情報 |
美術研究 en : The bijutsu kenkyu : the journal of art studies 号 373, p. 1-48, 発行日 2000-03-30 |